Thursday, January 15, 2009

Bugatti Engine Schematics

not saying D'Alema: says the first Mossad and Olmert hours


I always do. Carry-over sul mio blog articoli o argomenti che "devono" interessare prima di tutti le persone democratiche di questo maledetto e blasonato Paese. Mi permetto di riproporre qui sotto l'editoriale di Barbara Spinelli uscito l'11 gennaio 2009 su La Stampa e riproposto ieri sera da Moni Ovadia a "Parla con me". Sarebbe ora di capire, e lo dico da fanciulla, che la propoganda su alcune tragedie umane, tra cui in primis quella dei palestinesi a Gaza e quella dell'annoso conflitto arabo-israeliano, non giova alla democrazia interna e neanche al confronto internazionale. Per non parlare dei danni sulla già tracotante superficilaità umana che parla di isrealiani ed ebrei come fossero la stessa cosa e magari, davanti ad una battuta antisemita, fa ancora strizzare l'occhio to someone.

Happy reading and good peace to the world.

"Not long before the offensive against Gaza, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to put himself and his people demand a cold, unprecedented. A question not on the values \u200b\u200band morals, but the pure utility.

was Sept. 29, in an interview with Yedioth Ahronoth denounced forty years of blindness: one of Israel's own. He said it was time, can not be postponed, in which the state was changing its nature and choose how to live and survive if constantly warring, or seeking peace with their neighbors. did not deny the crimes of Hamas and several Arab states, but urged the fellow to focus on 'own burden of guilt. "

The burden was militarized in the automatic thought: "The efforts of a Prime Minister should pursue the peace or continuing desire to make the country stronger, louder, louder, with the goal to win a war?". He added that personally was tired of reading the reports from their own general: "Have not they learned anything? For them there are only tanks and earth, the control of territories and controlled territories, the conquest of this and that hill. All things without value. "

The only value was to find peace, punishable a single condition: liquidating the colonies, returning "almost all if not all the territories," giving the Palestinians "the equivalent of what Israel will keep for himself." Was rendered to Syria the Golan Heights, the Palestinians part of Jerusalem. Thus spoke the Prime Minister of Israel, not a preconceived enemy of the Jewish state and its people. These words seem to spent a huge amount of time and today are but smoke and a hunger for wind, as in Qohelet. So the opportunity was imperative nearby. Not even three months later, the war is decreed "no alternative". Then

Olmert seemed to listen to the intellectuals opposed to military solutions: Tom Segev Gideon Levy Abraham Yehoshua that among the first, La Stampa, has called a truce in recent days. Three months after the militarized thinking and dissent on again clears. There are only Segev, Gideon Levy, Yossi Sarid. Even Yehoshua considers vain a proportionate response to Hamas rockets, "because the endurance and resistance of the Palestinians is infinitely superior to that of the Israelis." The application of cold

Olmert, in September, was as follows and remains valid: 'What shall we do after winning a war? We will pay heavy price after they have paid and we say to the opponent: we begin a negotiation. " According to Olmert, Israel was at a crossroads: "For forty years we have refused to see reality with eyes open (...). We have lost all sense of proportion. " Quite a few things

intuits, although journalists are not permitted theater of war. This landscape, we see that for days on screens behind the reporter, it is virtually all of Gaza, no more than 40 km in length, 9.7 km deep. With 360 square kilometers, Gaza is smaller than Rome and home to 1.5 million Palestinians. Inevitable that in a tiny strip so many civilians are killed (half of those killed, according to some). But wonder whether the Israeli government does not persist in blindness, when they deny that their war is against civilians and a humanitarian disaster. Israel has serious reasons to camp: Hamas missiles on cities of the South, for years, despite the unilateral withdrawal ordered by Sharon in 2005, generating anger and anguish unspeakable, even if the dead are not many.

But there are things left unsaid in those who are rightly indignant: things that they hide themselves, hard to admit, not true. It is not true, first, that the State of Israel will react without wanting to penalize civilians. Targeting the places from which the rockets of Hamas, Hamas, and now it knows that missiles will be moved elsewhere, and that in those places will only be civilians, old men, women and children.

They say it themselves, to reporters: "When parte un missile vicino alle nostre case, scuole, moschee, sappiamo che non Hamas sarà colpito, ma noi». La domanda è tremenda: come spiegare agli abitanti di Gaza la differenza con rappresaglie che, come a Marzabotto, sacrificarono centinaia di civili al posto di introvabili partigiani? Secondo: non è vero che non esistessero alternative all’attacco aereo e terrestre.

Se la tregua con Hamas non ha funzionato, è perché mai iniziò veramente. Perché i coloni avevano evacuato la Striscia ma Israele manteneva il controllo dei cieli, del mare, dei confini. Il cessate il fuoco negoziato a giugno prevedeva la fine del lancio di missili palestinesi ma anche la rimozione del blocco di Gaza, imputabile a Israele. The missiles are decreased, although not disappeared: it fell by the hundreds in May and June, they have fallen less than 20 in the next four months. Nothing happened but for the block.

This is the "burden of guilt" in Israel, not small, and once again helps to understand the geography. He says the government of Israel that Gaza belongs to Palestinians since 2005, but it did not do anything. It is false too, because Gaza is not reliant on being put to the test. Not only lacks the control of air, sea.

There are six crossing points that would allow transit of food, water, electricity, men (along the border with Israel to the Erez crossing point North, the Nahal Oz crossing, Karni, Kissufim, Sufa East, on the border with Egypt Rafah crossing point) and all are closed. For Gaza as a crumb is impossible to live without coll'esterno relations, and they are stuck since Hamas won the elections and broke with Fatah.

Even in this case an entire population pays for politicians, and when Cardinal Martino talks about the concentration camp (Others talk of open-air prison) is not going away from the facts. The tunnels used to smuggle weapons, it is true. But also to bring food, medicine, industrial spare parts. The humanitarian disaster in Gaza did not begin today. And that million and a half is there because the army cacciatovi Israel in '48.

The punishment is the key word, in several Israeli wars. But the punishment of civilians en masse in reality does not punish anyone, and increases in homicidal rage and contemporary descendants. It is a kind of revenge performed. It's war-free therapeutic moral inhibitions, war made to roll his eyes, writes Yossi Sarid (Haaretz, January 9). It is not only fierce, but in vain. The Hamas rockets continue to strike and have even extended the range: now hit Beer Sheva (36 km from the Dimona nuclear plant) and the base at Tel Nof (27 kilometers from Tel Aviv). Gaza and West Bank are more interdependent than ever.

What happens in the West Bank has weighed bitterly about Gaza, and weighs more. In this case, yes, there is no alternative to decolonization and withdrawal. Israel, too, like many empires, must come through here. You should stop separating the theaters of action: to build new settlements every time negotiating or whenever makes war on other fronts, in Lebanon or Gaza.

It also fears that today Dror Etkes, coordinator of Israeli Yesh Din (Volunteers for Human Rights): "I certify that in these hours are opening in the West Bank land for a new settlement at Etz Ephraim, and for a outpost at Kedumim. In a book of Idith Zertal and Akiva Eldar (Lords of the Land, New York 2007) has written that la pace è irraggiungibile se non si riconosce che ogni singola colonia, e non solo i cosiddetti avamposti illegali, viola la legge internazionale; se non ci si spoglia dell’ossessione delle armi e delle terre idolatrate, che Olmert stesso ha denunciato poche settimane fa."

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